Israel And The Palestinians

God changed Abram's name to Abraham, "for the father of a multitude of nations have I made thee... and I will make nations of thee, and kings shall come out of thee" (Gen. 17:5,6). The main-line divine purpose has of course been through the nation of Israel; but other nations and kings have come of Abraham through Ishmael (17:20) and through his sons by Keturah (25:1-4). Many of the Arabic peoples derive from Abrahamic stock. Among these are the Palestinians, so prominently in today's news from the Middle East.

The impression may sometimes be given that all Palestinians live in refugee camps. For about the time that Israel declared her independence in 1948, when she was attacked by several neighbour states, many Arabs living in the mandated territory fled from the area. About 650,000 of them were in due course accommodated in refugee camps under United Nations supervision. At the time this mass exodus of Arabs was described by the first President of Israel, Chaim Weizman, as "a miraculous simplification of Israel's tasks". Thirty-two years later there are still about the same number of Palestinian refugees, living in some 60 camps scattered throughout Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, the West Bank and the Gaza strip.

Yet far more than those in such camps regard themselves as "Palestinians". Over 500,000 live in Israel itself; 1.2 million are in the occupied territories of the West Bank and the Gaza strip. There are one million in Jordan and 450,000 in Lebanon, besides many who have gone to seek employment in such countries as Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. So in all they represent a most formidable group.

Their aspirations are championed by the "Palestine Liberation Organisation" with its headquarters in Lebanon. For fifteen years this organisation, about 47,000 strong, has been prominent because of its war of terrorism against Israel. To draw attention to their cause they also carried out terrorist attacks in other countries, but latterly changed to a policy of diplomatic approach, in the hope of creating a more responsible image among the community of nations. Yassar Arafat, the PLO leader, has tried hard for recognition as representative of the Palestinians at discussions for a settlement in the Middle East, but Israel and the United States would not agree. They did not accept that Arafat truly represented the average Palestinian, and regarded him in any case as a terrorist.

Nevertheless, President Sadat of Egypt consistently upheld the Palestinian cause in his negotiations with Israel under the Camp David agreement. Indeed the problem of autonomy for Palestinians living in the West Bank area (i.e. ancient Judea and Samaria) proved one of the most difficult to resolve.

The position was made more difficult by the policy of Israel's Prime Minister Begin to establish more Jewish settlements in the West Bank area. Out of 64 settlements completed in June 1980, 39 had been built since Begin gained power in 1977. Moreover his government had approved the right of Israelis to settle in such Arab cities as Hebron, leading to great unrest and some loss of life. This policy was opposed even in Begin's own cabinet. Former Foreign Minister Moshe Dayan resigned last autumn, in part because of this, followed this summer by Defence Minister Ezer Weizman. Many Israelis thought that the settlements policy was thwarting peace efforts, squandering Israel's economic resources and alienating her friends.

World opinion certainly swung in favour of the Palestinian cause as a result of this policy. Under the Camp David agreement, May 26th had been the target date for producing a Palestinian autonomy plan, but an outraged President Sad at of Egypt could not agree to proceed within that time. Many felt also that President Carter was withholding pressure on Israel for fear of losing support from American Jews in the vital presidential election year. Yet America's partners in the Western Alliance were deeply concerned about delay in reaching some agreement on the Palestinian problem. For the oil producing Arab states regarded this as a major issue. Their economic cooperation with the industrial west is vital. So the Economic Community proposed an initiative to supplement what was being attempted through the struggling Camp David negotiations. Thus the United States and Israel became increasingly isolated in regard to the problem of the Palestinians.

As believers we watch with a sense of awe as an unseen Hand thrusts both

Israeli and Palestinian to the centre of the world's political arena. Self-interest compels great world powers to involvement in the conflict between these peoples. We recognize the centrality of Israel to the developing divine purpose as the time of the end approaches. We read that to the seed of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob the territory under dispute was given by divine decree (Gen. 15:18, 28:13, 35:12). Israel's occupation of the promised land was forfeited because they rejected their Messiah. Nor can they know any security of possession, even of part of that land, until they one day say of the Lord Jesus, 'Blessed is He that cometh in the name of the Lord" (Luke 13:35).

Should we not pray fervently that many Israelis and Palestinians may today be reached with the gospel? For we see the evidence of the dark tomorrow, the time of Jacobs's trouble, already casting its ominous shadow over Emmanuel's land.

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